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ÓBITOS, CRIMES E VIOLÊNCIAS NÃO TIPIFICADAS COMO CRIMES CONTRA CRIANÇAS E ADOLESCENTES NO MARANHÃO, BRASIL, 2014 A 2020

DEATHS, CRIMES AND VIOLENCE NOT CLASSIFIED AS A CRIME AMONG CHILDREN AND ADOLESCENTS IN MARANHÃO, BRAZIL (2014 TO 2020)

Daniel Portela Aguiar da Silva. Universidade Federal do Maranhão. E-mail: danieldrportela@gmail.com ORCID: 0000-0001-7384-4026

Marizélia Rodrigues Costa Ribeiro. Universidade Federal do Maranhão. E-mail: marizelia13@gmail.com ORCID: 0000-0003-4289-4527

Maria dos Remédios Freitas Carvalho Branco. Universidade Federal do Maranhão. E-mail: maria.branco@ufma.br ORCID: 0000-0002-3537-0840

Márcio Thadeu Silva Marques. Escola Superior do Ministério Público do Estado do Maranhão.
E-mail: marciothadeusilvamarques@gmail.com ORCID: 0000-0002-9243-613X

Joelson dos Santos Almeida. Universidade Estadual do Ceará. E-mail: joelsonalmeida2011@gmail.com ORCID: 0000-0001-6926-7043

Jamesson Amaral Gomes. Centro Universitário Estácio de São Luís. E-mail: jamesson.ag@gmail.com ORCID: 0000-0003-0662-9873

Antônio Augusto Moura da Silva. Universidade Federal do Maranhão. Email: aamouradasilva@gmail.com ORCID: 0000-0002-1113-8350

RESUMO
Este estudo compara tendências temporais de óbitos por violências contra crianças e adolescentes e analisa diferenças em ocorrências tipificadas ou não como crimes. Foram analisados dados do Sistema de Informação sobre Mortalidade e da Secretaria de Segurança Pública do Estado do Maranhão, Brasil, de 2014-2020. Crianças e adolescentes foram definidos respectivamente como pessoas com 0-11 e 12-17 anos. Tipos de violências foram organizados segundo grupos, subgrupos e tipos penais do Código Penal Brasileiro. Foram contabilizados 1.326 óbitos e 8.187 ocorrências, mais frequentes na adolescência. Subtração de incapazes (p<0,001), abandono de incapaz (p=0,045) e estupro de vulnerável (p=0,003) predominaram na infância. Homicídios (p<0,001), crimes contra a liberdade individual (p=0,004), crimes contra a liberdade sexual (p<0,001) e violência psicológica (p=0,034) foram mais frequentes na adolescência. Violência doméstica com lesão corporal predominou no sexo feminino (p<0,001). Lesões corporais graves (p=0,002), homicídios (p<0,001) e constrangimento ilegal (p<0,001) vitimizaram mais adolescentes do sexo masculino. Houve diferenças temporais em óbitos e ocorrências de violências contra crianças e adolescentes, assim como em características de violências tipificadas ou não como crimes.
Palavras-Chave: Adolescente, Criança, Morte, Violência.

ABSTRACT
This study compares temporal trends in violent deaths of children and adolescents and analyzes differences in incidents of violence classified and not classified as a crime. We analyzed data from the Mortality Information System and State of Maranhão Public Security Department for the period 2014 to 2020. Child and adolescent were defined as aged 0-11 and 12-17 years old, respectively. Types of violence were organized according to the groups, subgroups, and types of crimes set out in Brazil’s penal code. A total of 1,326 deaths and 8,187 incidents of violence were reported, both of which were more frequent in adolescents. The most frequent types of violence in children and adolescentes, respectively, were: abduction of incapable persons (p<0.001), abandonment of incapable persons (p=0.045), rape of vulnerable persons (p=0.003); homicides (p<0.001), crimes against individual freedom (p=0.004), crimes against sexual freedom (p<0.001), psychological violence (p=0.034). Domestic violence with bodily harm was more frequent in girls (p<0.001), while severe bodily harm (p=0.002), homicide (p<0.001), and harassment (p<0.001) were more frequent in boys. The findings reveal differences over time in deaths and incidents of violence classified and not classified as crime among both children and adolescents.
Keywords: Adolescent. Child. Death. Violence.

Introduction
The term “violence against children and adolescents” encompasses historical social phenomena that are manifested in different ways depending on culture, race, socioeconomic conditions, and age1,2. All types of violence should be considered a public health problem because violence jeopardizes health, dignity, and human development1-3. It is estimated that one out of two children aged 2–17 years experiences some form of violence each year1.
The World Health Organisation defines violence as the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, or against a group or community, that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment, or deprivation1. Within the sphere of human rights, one of the core elements of Brazil’s public security system, the term violence refers to any violation of civil, political, social, economic, or cultural rights3.
Policies to tackle violence against children and adolescents were created after the enactment of the 1988 Federal Constitution, especially in response to the provisions of the Child and Adolescent Statute (ECA)4. The mandatory reporting and referral of suspected and confirmed cases of violence against children aged up to 17 years to the child protection services and other competent bodies has given greater visibility to this issue and improved violence surveillance and efforts to tackle this problem in Brazil5,6.
However, the underreporting of cases, in conjunction with other factors, hamper the collection of accurate epidemiological data on violence against this age group5-7. It is also important to highlight the lack of research analyzing data from state public security departments5,8, the need to make data on violent deaths and/or sexual violence accessible to a wider audience6,7; the lack of emphasis given to specific factors associated with childhood and teenage violence; and mistakes in filling in police incident report forms6.
Epidemiological studies of violence against children and adolescents in the State of Maranhão are scarce9-12. In addition, access to data from the state public security department is poor, justifying the present study12.
Based on these considerations, we formulated the following hypotheses: a) temporal trends in violence and deaths due to violence differ between children and adolescents; b) the distribution of violence, regardless of whether the incident is classified as a crime or not, differs between children and adolescents and according to sex. We therefore analyzed differences in deaths due to violence and incidents of violence among children and adolescents, regardless of whether the incidents were classified as a crime or not, in the State of Maranhão in the period 2014 to 2020.
This study takes a step forward in relation to other studies on this topic6-17 insofar as it analyzes differences between types of violence based on the groups (titles), subgroups (chapters), and types of crime set out in Brazil’s penal code stratified by sex, including crimes such as abandonment, parental abduction, and rape of a vulnerable person, and incidents not classified as crimes, such as disappearance of children and adolescents.
Methods
We conducted a cross-sectional epidemiological study using two types of data on violence against children and adolescents reported in Maranhão during the period 2014 to 2020: a) deaths recorded in Brazil’s Mortality Information System (SIM); b) incident records obtained from the State of Maranhão Public Security Department (SSP-MA).
Study location and population
One of the nine states in Brazil’s Northeast Region, Maranhão had an estimated population of 6,875,302 in 2014, including 1,288,870 children aged 0-9 years, 545,846 aged 10-13 years, and 578,504 aged 14-17 years. By 2020, the overall population had increased to 7,114,598 and the number of children in these age groups had fallen to 1,175,312, 515,930, and 550.077 respectively18.
The study population consisted of cases of death due to violence recorded in the SIM and suspected or confirmed cases of violence against children and adolescents recorded in civil police incident reports (IRs). Child and adolescent were defined as age 0-11 and 12-17 years, respectively4.
Data collection
Data on incidents of violence were collected from the Integrated Operational Management System (SIGO), for incidents occurring between 2014 and 2018, and SSP-MA’s Integrated Management System (SIGMA), for incidents occurring in 2019 and 2020. Data for the years prior to 2014 were not collected because they were not available.
Data on deaths were collected in June 2021 from the SIM, accessed via the homepage of the country’s national health information system (DATASUS). These deaths are classified in the following core categories: self-inflicted injuries, assault and legal interventions, and operations of war19,20.
SIGO and SIGMA
The Civil Police of the State of Maranhão adopted the SIGO as its standard operating system in 201221. On 27 June 2018, SIGMA was recommended as the preferred system for the formulation of electronic IRs22, becoming the only system used by the force in 2019.
The officers responsible for entering the information from the IRs into the SSP-MA systems name the incidents according to the conduct of the probable perpetrator based on the type of crimes contained in the Penal Code and/or specific legislation (ECA and Maria da Penha Law, among other). When the conduct is not classified in the Penal Code or specific legislation because it is not a type of crime, the officers name the incident according to the nature of the violence23.
The categories of information from IRs included in the SSP-MA’s systems are type of incident, date, time, location, location type, and the full name, alias and address of the individuals involved. The sex of the probable perpetrator and their relationship with the victim are not included in the SIGMA databases. This information was therefore collected directly from the electronic IRs from 2019 and 2020. We were unable to obtain this information from the SIGO because it was not possible to create a new password for this system. Information on the victim’s family income, education level, and skin color were not included in the IRs used to enter the data into SIGMA.

Variables based on the Penal Code
Since the SSP-MA bases the classifications of violence on the Penal Code, types of violence were organized into groups (corresponding to the titles of the Penal Code), subgroups (corresponding to the chapters of the Penal Code), and types of crime24.
The groups and respective subgroups were as follows: a) crimes against persons (bodily harm, crimes against individual liberty, crimes against life, endangerment of life and health, and crimes against honor); b) crimes against sexual dignity (sexual crimes against vulnerable persons, crimes against sexual freedom, indecent public behavior); c) incidents not classified as crimes (disappearance of persons, suicide, psychological violence); d) crimes against the family (crimes against parental power, custody and guardianship, including parental abduction); and e) crimes against property (robbery, including robbery murder)24.
The subgroup bodily harm includes the crimes bodily harm, domestic violence, and other. Bodily harm is defined as any offence against someone’s bodily integrity or health. Domestic violence is when the perpetrators are family member or a person who lives/has lived with the victim in a home environment. Other include types of bodily harm that endanger life or result in death24.
Crimes against individual liberty occur when a person’s liberty is violated. This subgroup consists of the crimes threats, criminal coercion, and other. A threat is when someone intimidates another person into believing that they will cause serious harm. Criminal coercion is the use of violence or serious threats to force someone to break the law. Other includes the crimes shaming or embarrassing a child or adolescent, abduction, and false imprisonment of a minor under the age of 1824.
Endangerment of life and health is defined as putting someone’s life or health at direct imminent risk. Related crimes include maltreatment, abandonment of an incapable person, and torture. Maltreatment is when a person who is responsible for a person’s care, custody, or control endangers the person\'s life or health, denies them food or adequate care, subjects them to strenuous or unsuitable work, or abuses the use of corrective discipline. Abandonment of an incapable person is when a person responsible for another person’s care, custody, or control abandons that person and is unable to defend them from the risks of abandonment. Torture is when someone inflicts severe mental or physical pain or suffering24.
The crime homicide is included in the subgroup crimes against life and is defined as the killing of one human being by another. Verbal abuse, included in the subgroup crimes against honor, is defined as offending someone\'s dignity based on race, color, ethnicity, religion, or disability24.
Sexual crimes against a vulnerable person included sexual activity with a person under the age of 14, a person who is incapable of consent, or a person who is unable to resist. The crime rape of a vulnerable person includes victims under the age of 14. Other includes sexual crimes such as the publication and dissemination of rape videos and photographs and enticement/harassment by any means of communication with the aim of engaging in a lewd act24.
The subgroup crimes against sexual freedom includes rape and sexual harassment. Sexual harassment is defined as performing a lewd act with someone without their permission24.
The subgroup indecent public behavior is made up of an obscene act, defined as performing an obscene act in a public place24.
Acts of violence not classified by the Penal Code were included in the group incidents not classified as crimes, made up of the following subgroups: suicide, disappearance of persons, and psychological violence. Disappearance of persons is when a person goes missing from their family and their community24.
The group crimes against the family is made up of the subgroup crimes against parental power, custody and guardianship, which includes abduction of incapable persons, defined as abduction of a minor under the age of 18, or abduction of an incapable person from a parent or guardian24.
The group crimes against property is made up of the subgroup robbery, including robbery murder, defined as robbery resulting in death24.
Other variables
The victim variables were age and sex (male and female). Age was divided into two groups: children (0-11 year) and adolescents (12-17 years).
The probable perpetrator variables were sex (male and female) and relationship to the victim. The latter included mother and father (yes or no) and other perpetrators (family member, ex/current boyfriend/girlfriend, acquaintance, and stranger). Self-inflicted and legally confidential violence, and violence committed by an unidentified stranger were excluded from the analysis.
Incident locations included home, school, shelter/penitentiary/reformatory, urban thoroughfare, rural thoroughfare, and the internet (yes or no).
The variables taken from the SIM were year of death and victim sex, covering the period 2014 to 2020.
Data analysis
The descriptive and statistical analyses were performed using Stata® 15.0.
We performed a temporal analysis of the number of deaths and incidents of violence against children and adolescents per year by sex.
The statistical significance of differences in frequencies of groups and subgroups of violence and types of crimes between the age groups and sexes were tested using Pearson’s chi-squared test or Fisher’s exact test, adopting a significance level of 0.05. If the p-value was <0.100 in one group, we continued to test the differences in the subgroups. The same criterion was used for the subgroups and types of crimes.
In accordance with National Health Council Resolution 510/201625, the study did not require ethical approval because the data were collected from secondary databases and do not identity the people involved in the cases. The SIM is in the public domain19 and the data obtained from the SSP-MA observe the principles of confidentiality and privacy of personal information26.

Results
Between 2014 and 2020, 1,326 deaths due to violence were reported in the 0-17 year age group, comprising 116 children (8.7%) and 1,210 adolescents (91.3%). In the same period, 8,187 IRs of violence against children aged 0-17 years were recorded in the SSP-MA’s systems, most of which (77.3%) involving adolescents.
The number of deaths of children rose and fell alternately over the seven-year study period, with 2014 and 2019 showing the highest and lowest numbers, respectively (Figure 1A). The highest number of deaths of adolescents was recorded in 2015, with annual falls being witnessed between 2016 and 2019, followed by a slight increase in 2020 (Figure 1B). Boys made up most deaths in both age groups in each year of the study period (Figures 1A and 1B).
The number of incidents of violence against children fell between 2014 and 2015. Numbers then increased annually up to 2017, followed by a sharp fall in 2018, rising once again in 2019 and 2020 (Figure 2A). The number of reports of violence against adolescents increased between 2014 and 2017, followed by decreases in 2018 and 2019 and an increase in 2020 (Figure 2B). The number of incidents of violence was higher among girls in both age groups in each year of the study period (Figures 2A and 2B).
The group that accounted for the highest number of victims was crimes against persons, followed by crimes against sexual dignity, incidents not classified as crimes, crimes against the family, and crimes against property (Table 1).
Among adolescents, crimes against persons accounted for the largest share of incidents of violence, followed by crimes against sexual dignity and incidents not classified as crimes. Crimes against the family (abduction of incapable persons) represented the largest share of incidents of violence against children (p<0.001 in all analyses) (Table 1).
The following main differences were observed in the subgroups: a) endangerment of life and health, from the group crimes against persons, was the most frequent the subgroup among children (p<0.001) and crimes against individual liberty (p=0.004) was the most frequent the subgroup in adolescents, followed by crimes against life (homicide) (p<0.001); b) sexual crimes against vulnerable persons, from the group crimes against sexual dignity, was the most frequent subgroup in children (p<0.001) and crimes against sexual freedom was the most frequent subgroup adolescents (p<0.001); and c) psychological violence, from the group incidents not classified as crimes, was the most frequent subgroup among adolescents (p=0.034) (Table 1).
Abandonment of an incapable person (p=0.045), from the subgroup endangerment of life and health, and rape of a vulnerable person (p=0.003), form the subgroup sexual crimes against vulnerable persons, were the most frequent types of crimes against children (Table 1).
Shaming or embarrassing a child or adolescent and abduction and false imprisonment of a minor under the age of 18, from the category other (p=0.007) of the subgroup crimes against individual liberty (p=0.004), and sexual harassment (p<0.001) were the most frequent types of crime among adolescents (Table 1).
Domestic violence with bodily harm was more frequent in girls in both age groups (p<0.001). Among adolescents, abduction of incapable persons (p=0.001), bodily harm (p=0.001), verbal abuse (p<0.001), and obscene acts (p=0.021) were more frequent among girls (Table 2), while bodily harm that endangers life or results in death (p=0.002), homicide (<0.001), and criminal coercion (p<0.001) were more frequent in boys (Table 2).
The following types of probable perpetrators of violence and incident locations were more frequent in adolescents than in children: father (p=0.001), mother (p<0.001), family member (p<0.001), current/ex-boyfriend (p<0.001), and stranger (p<0.001); the home (p<0.001), urban thoroughfare (p<0.001), and the internet (p=0.001) (Table 3).

Discussion
The number of deaths and incidents of violence was higher among adolescents throughout the study period Among adolescents, numbers rose between 2014 and 2015, fell in 2018 and 2019, and increased once again in 2020. Deaths and incidents of violence against children rose slightly between 2019 and 2020. Abduction of incapable persons, abandonment of an incapable person, and rape of a vulnerable person were the most frequent incidents of violence against children, while homicides, crimes against individual liberty (shaming or embarrassing a child or adolescent and abduction and false imprisonment of a minor under the age of 18), crimes against sexual freedom (rape and sexual harassment), and psychological violence were more frequent among adolescents. The number of reports of domestic violence with bodily harm were higher among girls in both age groups. Abduction of incapable persons, bodily harm, verbal abuse, and obscene acts were the most common types of violence among adolescent girls. Grievous bodily harm, homicide, and criminal coercion were the most frequent types of violence among adolescent boys. Incidents of violence committed in the home, public thoroughfares, and the internet were more frequent among adolescents than in children. The following types of probable perpetrators of violence were reported more frequently among adolescents than in children: father, mother, family member, current/ex-boyfriend, and stranger.
Study limitations include: the underreporting of deaths and incidents of violence, as shown by other similar studies3,5,8,27; the lack of availability of IRs for cases recorded in the SIGO; the non-completion of or mistakes in filling out information from IRs in SIGMA; the absence of information on victims’ socioeconomic (family income and education level, among others) and demographic (skin color, for example) characteristic and probable perpetrator in IRs.
Other international studies2 and research in different regions6,9,28,29 and states in Brazil13-16,27 have also shown that numbers of deaths and incidents of violence are higher among adolescents. This may be explained by the fact that adolescents are more likely to be involved in criminal groups, gangs and conflict situations, drink and use drugs, handle firearms, and challenge rules2,3. Furthermore, adolescents are more independent than children in decision making when it comes to reporting violence2,3,8 and less fearful of the consequences. Small children are also unable to clearly describe what has happened2,27.
Our findings show an overall fall in the number of adolescent deaths due to violence in 2018 and 2019 and that this decrease was more pronounced in boys. This trend was also observed at national level6. Factors explaining this trend include demographic transition, characterized by a decline in the population of young people in Brazil, including Maranhão18, the implementation of state violence prevention policies and programs, the enactment of the 2017 Disarmament Statute, which added illegally possessing and carrying a restricted firearm to the list of heinous crimes7, and the intensification of campaigns encouraging people to report violence3,7.
In addition to the above factors, reductions in the number of intentional violent deaths in Brazil between 2017 and 2019 have been attributed to a deterioration in the quality of SIM data on the underlying cause of violent deaths. This problem has been related to an increase in the percentage of violent deaths of undetermined intent, from 6.2% in 2017 to 11.7% in 2019. The fall in the number of deaths due to violence between 2017 and 2019 observed in the present study may therefore be partially attributed to the increase in the number of cases of violent deaths of undetermined intent in Maranhão between 2018 and 2019 (from 73 to 80, equivalent to 9.6%)7.
The sharp decrease in reports of incidents of violence against children and adolescents between 2017 and 2018 was probably due to problems during the switch from the SIGO to SIGMA, both of which were used simultaneously in 201822.
The increase in violence against children and adolescents in 2020 shown by the present study was also observed in the state of São Paulo30 and in other countries31. This increase has been related to closer proximity for extended periods of time between perpetrators and victims due to the imposition of social distancing measures (suspension of classes, remote working, and other restrictions)1,30,31, stress (loss of jobs and family income during the pandemic)1,31, and operational difficulties in child and adolescent protection services1,30,31 during the Covid-19 pandemic.
The only group of crimes that was more frequent among children than in adolescents was crimes against the family, which includes abduction of incapable persons. Most reports of this type of crime did not mention the probable perpetrator. The probable perpetrator was the father of the child in two cases (victims aged 4 and 5 years) and a neighbor in one case (victim aged 4 years). Among adolescents, abduction of incapable persons was more frequent in girls and the perpetrators were a father (victim aged 17 years) and boyfriend (victims aged 12 to 16 years).
The aim of perpetrators when abducting an incapable person is to integrate the victim into another family24. This crime is often committed during custody disputes, when children lose their father, mother or guardian32, or when the child goes to live with another person without parental consent, for example in cases of child marriage33.
The higher number of abductions of incapable persons among children may be associated with the fact that children have less autonomy to choose who they prefer to live with, often resulting in disputes and violence32. Among adolescents, the fact that this type of crime is more frequent among girls may be due to the fact that teenage girls are more likely to leave home without consent to live with their boyfriend. In such situations, the girl is often pregnant and hides the pregnancy from her family33. A follow-up cohort study of adolescents born in Pelotas (Rio Grande do Sul) in 1993 did not find significant differences in the frequency of abduction of incapable persons between sexes8.
Abandonment of an incapable person, one of the three types of crimes in the subgroup endangerment of life and health, was also more frequent in children. No significant differences were found between sexes. Abandonment of an incapable person is a crime that should be analyzed taking into account the social vulnerability of the victim, as it is often difficult to distinguish between neglect/abandonment and the incapacity of a poor family to provide for a child\'s basic needs2,34.
Crimes against sexual dignity were almost twice as frequent among adolescents. The victims of this group of crimes were predominantly girls in both age groups. Other studies have also shown that sexual violence, in its many dimensions, is in more frequent girls2,3,8,13,27,35.
Rape of a vulnerable person was more frequent in children than in adolescents. This may be explained by the definition of vulnerable person, which includes children aged 0-11 years and adolescents aged between 12 and 13 anos4. The frequency of rape of a vulnerable person was higher in girls in both age groups; however, this finding was not statistically significant.
Sexual harassment was more frequent in adolescents. No significant differences were found between sexes. The crime of teenage rape, defined as the rape of someone aged between 14-17 years, was more frequent in girls; however, this finding was not statistically significant. With regard to sexual crimes, only obscene acts (from the group crimes against sexual dignity) was more frequent in girls.
Homicides and bodily harm that endangers life or results in death were more frequent in adolescent boys. These findings are similar to those of studies in other countries2, a nationwide study in Brazil6, and a study in Rio de Janeiro27. This is explained by the fact that boys are more likely to be involved in criminal groups and gangs6,7. A study showed that one quarter of homicides of children and adolescents in the state of Rio de Janeiro in 2017 occurred during police interventions27. Studies also reveal racial and socioeconomic disparities in homicide rates, with young black adolescents being disproportionately affected by this crime6,7.
Shaming or embarrassing a child or adolescent and abduction and false imprisonment of a minor under the age of 18, which are crimes against individual liberty, were more frequent in adolescents. However, no significant differences were found between sexes. Similar results were reported by the above cohort study in Pelotas8. Abduction and false imprisonment are frequently related to unequal power relations between genders and generations2.
Criminal coercion was more frequent among adolescent boys and the most common types of location of this type of crime were an urban thoroughfare, home, and school. Criminal coercion is the use of serious threats, physical violence, or substances to reduce a person\'s ability to resist to force them to break the law or do something against their will. Examples of criminal coercion include using threats to prevent an adolescent from walking down a road or school corridor and abusing someone because of their sexual orientation. When practiced frequently among peers, criminal coercion is called bullying36.
Psychological violence, which is an incident that is not classified as a crime, was more frequent in adolescents; however, no significant differences were found between sexes. A study in Rio de Janeiro in 2017 reported that psychological violence was more common in girls27. Threats, verbal abuse, and shaming are crimes included in the Penal Code that correspond to the definition of psychological violence proposed by the World Health Organisation2.
Bodily harm suffered in the home environment was more frequent in girls in both age groups, revealing unequal gender relations in these settings2,27. In contrast to the present study, the above cohort study conducted in Pelotas found that there were no significant differences in the frequency of bodily harm between boys and girls. However, it is important to note that the study did not analyze the crimes in the bodily harm subgroup8.
Verbal abuse was more common in adolescent girls. This type of crime may carry a connotation of race/skin color, ethnicity, religion, origin, and disability24; however, the motivation behind these crimes were not recorded in the SSP-MA’s databases and the perpetrator was identified only in three cases.
The folowing incident locations and probable perpetrators were more frequent in adolescents than in children: the home, public thoroughfare, and the internet; father, mother, family member, current and ex-boyfriend, and stranger. These findings show that the family and home environment do not provide adequate protection to children and, more especially, adolescents, as envisioned by the ECA4. Cybercrimes were approximately 10 times more frequent in adolescents. This is explained by the fact that this age group has greater access to social media3,6.
The findings of this study reveal differences between sexes in the number of deaths and frequency of incidents of violence according to the groups, subgroups, and types of crimes set out in Brazil’s penal code in both children and adolescents.
In a country with deeply rooted social inequalities exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic, it is vital that IRs contain information on skin color, education level and other individual, family, and socioeconomic characteristics of the victim, in order to understand who are the main victims of violence and inform the implementation of effective violence prevention measures.

Acknowledgements
The authors are grateful to the State of Maranhão Public Security Department, which kindly provided copies of the requested datasets and allowed us to analyze the incident reports.

References

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