EN PT


0393/2025 - “Pare de sabotar sua perda de peso”: regulações corporais, nutricionismo e discurso meritocrático nas redes sociais.
“Stop sabotaging your weight loss”: Body regulations, nutritionism and meritocratic discourse in social media

Author:

• Fernanda Rodrigues de Oliveira Penaforte - Penaforte, F.R.O - <fernanda.penaforte@uftm.edu.br>
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8483-1562

Co-author(s):

• Ana Flávia de Sousa Silva - Silva, AFS - <anaflavia.s.s@hotmail.com>
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0000-8953
• Vitor Hugo de Oliveira - Oliveira, VH - <vitor.oliveira@uftm.edu.br>
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9321-0397
• Poliana Cardoso Martins - Martins, PC - <polic.martins@gmail.com>
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6698-0289
• Maria Clara Moraes de Gaspar Prata - Prata, MCMG - <ma.prata@gmail.com>
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1517-4981


Abstract:

Nutricionistas ocupam lugar de destaque nas mídias sociais, com status de ‘celebridades’, e são também considerados fonte confiável de informação sobre alimentação, saúde e emagrecimento. Todavia, estes profissionais podem, nesses espaços, influenciar negativamente as relações dos indivíduos com a comida e o corpo. Nessa perspectiva, o objetivo do presente estudo foi analisar o conteúdo de postagens veiculadas no perfil de uma nutricionista brasileira considerada ‘celebridade’ no Instagram. O corpus da pesquisa foi composto por 200 postagens feitas de janeiro a junho de 2022. A partir da análise de conteúdo temática de Laurence Bardin, o material avaliado culminou em dois temas principais: Tema 1) "Sua nova versão é tudo o que você sempre quis e vai ser: sem celulite, mais magra, mais segura, mais feliz, menos ansiosa, menos deprimida, mais valorizada…": O emagrecimento como único caminho para uma vida plena e feliz; e Tema 2) "Como a alimentação trata a leucemia?": Nutrientes ‘milagrosos’ como fonte de cura e proteção de doenças. Os resultados deste estudo indicam a centralidade das narrativas na necessidade primordial de se conquistar o corpo magro, uma vez que este é visto como condição indispensável para alcançar aceitação social, felicidade e saúde, atrelado à meritocracia e à auto responsabilização individual; e também no nutricionismo e na medicalização da comida.

Keywords:

Redes Sociais, Emagrecimento, Dietas da moda, Medicalização.

Content:

Introduction
Social media is one of the main sources of influence in the construction and dissemination of aesthetic-body standards, as well as certain dietary concepts and practices1. In this context, Instagram stands out as one of the most popular social networks, especially due to its strong visual nature2. In the absence of written texts, images gain communicative power and the ability to attract followers, making them a potential tool for capturing and appealing to individuals' desires, particularly the desire for who we want to be and how we want to be seen. A prominent facet of this imagetic phenomenon in contemporary society is the promotion of the idea of the 'ideal body'3.
In this sense, the centrality of images makes Instagram widely used by fitness “celebrities” to promote images of their “perfect” bodies, as well as their lifestyle and diet1,2,4,5. Thus, users of this social media are regularly exposed to a profusion of images based on ideals of beauty, particularly regarding what is considered acceptable or desirable in terms of body standards 6. According to Mole (2007)7, celebrity can be understood as a cultural apparatus, consisting of the relationships between an individual, an industry, and an audience. In this sense, celebrity is a cultural phenomenon in which the private lives of individuals, beyond their public roles, become the subject of intense scrutiny by an anonymous audience, a phenomenon that emerged in the 18th century and reached its peak in the 20th century with mass media and the development of the cultural industry7,8. In the context of the internet, such celebrities are also referred to as "digital influencers," whether through professional and/or personal profiles, who become opinion leaders due to their power of influence9.
Brazil is among the countries with the largest number of social media users. The country occupies the second position in number of users for Instagram, with about 99 million people accessing the application every day, and is the second country in which users spend more time online, with an average of 3h37min daily10. It is a particularly popular social media among the young public. In the age groups of 16-29 years and 30-49 years, 83% and 78%, respectively, report using it several times a day or leaving it open all day11.
With a large number of followers on Instagram, some nutritionists have gained prominence in this digital space at the national level, becoming “celebrities” and “digital influencers.” Their regular posts about health, body, and diet are often sought after as a reliable source of information on nutrition, weight loss, and a healthy lifestyle12,13. It is also important to note that these influencers generate substantial profits from advertising food products and dietary supplements, with their revenues closely tied to their fame and credibility within the digital space14,15. In this sense, these “celebrities” appear to assume a symbolic power of influence by promoting their lifestyle, presenting their followers with an idealized standard of body and nutrition16.
It is observed, more than frequently, that several nutritionists, high to this “celebrity” condition, propagate in their daily posts tips and guidance on which foods are good or not for health and to reach the “proper” body, with great emphasis on its composition and nutritional value14. However, these contents contain narratives that foster the construction of an idealized notion of the body, associating the practice of exercise, engagement in diets, and the use of aesthetic procedures, among other strategies, with the construction of this body. In this process, food restrictions, body objectification, stigmatization of weight, and exaltation of the lean body, transvested under the guise of lifestyle and “healthy” food, are normalized17.
The field of Nutrition is anchored in a strong tendency toward the rationalization and medicalization of the concept of healthy eating, as a strategy of biopower18. According to Foucault, biopower is established through the relationships between knowledge and power, constituting a form of regulation over individuals. Thus, it is determined that the discourse regulating society belongs to those who hold knowledge, which today is translated into scientific discourse19. Within this context, knowledge, professional expertise, and scientific understanding are legitimized as a means of producing truths. The nutritionist, therefore, assumes a central role as a "dictator of truth" through the prevailing discourse on healthy eating20.
In this process, it is overlooked that such rationalities can influence the social and cultural value of food, as the need for extreme control may lead to feelings of guilt, loss of pleasure, and a diminished sense of freedom about eating21. One example is the overemphasis on the nutritional aspect of food, a phenomenon currently known as “nutritionism”22. This perspective promotes the invisibilization of the cultural, social, and political dimensions of food while fostering an ideological belief in the “miraculous” power of nutrients, which can negatively impact individuals’ relationships with food. Moreover, such content spreads the misleading notion that a healthy diet, as well as the ideal body standard, is within everyone’s reach, provided they apply effort and dedication to the process. This perspective reinforces individual responsibility while disregarding the complexity of eating behavior and its social, cultural, economic, political, and environmental dimensions23,24.
Considering that, today, social media serves as a constant source of information, especially regarding health and weight loss, nutrition professionals' profiles gain prominence, elevating an anonymous individual to celebrity status. In this process, social recognition standards emerge that legitimize these profiles13. However, they often overlook the multiple, and sometimes negative, influences these figures can have on individuals' relationships with food and their bodies25. Therefore, analyzing the narratives of nutrition professionals produced in these digital spaces is essential to broadening the understanding of this phenomenon, as well as fostering reflections and health promotion initiatives that take this issue into account.
Based on this context, this study aimed to critically analyze the content of posts shared on the profile of a "celebrity" nutritionist on Instagram. According to the logic of social media, the influence of a digital influencer is primarily measured by the visibility their profile achieves, particularly in terms of the number of followers and interactions with the content they publish9.
Method
This is an exploratory and descriptive study supported by a qualitative methodology. The choice of the qualitative method was mainly due to it being the most appropriate approach for studying complex phenomena of a social nature that are not inclined to quantification, with a focus on understanding the meanings of certain phenomena, especially in health-related research26.
The selection of materials released in digital media considers the relevance of their role in contemporary communication and interactivity13. In light of this perspective, as a research corpus, the textual elements of the posts of a nutritionist considered a ‘celebrity’ on Instagram, with great visibility in the national scenario, were used. Rescuing the definition of Mole Celebrity (2007)7, which makes such a nutritionist 'celebrated', is the relationship between industry (Instagram), its intimate life, and its relationship with an audience (followers). From this theoretical perspective, the methodological path taken for the selection of the profile initially focused on identifying, through online articles focused on food, diet, and health, public professional profiles of nutritionists with high visibility on Instagram, as proposed by Gloria et al. (2021)¹³. This preliminary search was based on internet articles addressing themes such as: “7 famous nutritionists to follow on Instagram. With healthy tips, delicious and low-calorie recipes, these nutritionists have helped in the pursuit of good eating habits”27; “Nutritionist? 10 popular profiles to follow on Instagram. Thinking about changing your eating habits? A nutritionist can help! We have selected 10 Instagram profiles for you to follow right now!”28; and “10 nutritionists you need to follow on Instagram”29.
Subsequently, to enable a more in-depth analysis, particularly considering the high volume of daily posts typically made by such profiles, an intentional selection of a single profile was conducted. This choice was based on the professional’s pioneering presence and length of activity on Instagram, as well as her popularity, having gained national recognition as the “nutritionist of the stars”30,31. Thus, the chosen professional profile belongs to a Brazilian female nutritionist, who is white and resides in the southeastern region of Brazil. As of July 17, 2025, this nutritionist had 2.9 million followers.
The selected posts for analysis were published in the feed of the aforementioned profile between January and June 2022. Static image-text posts with content predominantly focused on nutrition and eating habits were included, while posts related to the nutritionist's daily life, advertisements, and audiovisual content were excluded.
All empirical material was explored and analyzed through Laurence Bardin's content analysis (2015)32 using the thematic analysis technique, which comprises the following steps: (a) pre-analysis; (b) exploration of the material; and (c) treatment of data obtained and interpretation. Initially, the first and second authors independently selected the posts to be analyzed based on the inclusion and exclusion criteria. Then, the second author proceeded with extracting the texts for analysis, coding the data, and developing the initial categories (patterns of meaning embedded in a central concept). The first and second authors met frequently to discuss the coding of categories. This discussion included referencing the selected posts to ensure that the analysis remained well-grounded and justified by the data, making it reliable and plausible33.
Subsequently, the analysis categories were reviewed and finalized by the first author. Additional analyses were conducted to refine the specificities of each category and define clear names for each one. Finally, data interpretation was carried out with the participation of all authors, who met regularly for in-depth discussions. In this study, the interpretation focused on examining how certain fitness, meritocratic, and nutritionist ideologies are produced and reproduced in the discourse of the posts and how they establish a relationship between body aesthetics, health, and eating practices. To support the discussion of the results, scientific articles based on national and international literature on the subject were used. It is important to highlight that the discussion is centered on the textual elements of each post, as visual elements were not analyzed.
The research complies with Resolution nº 510/2016 of the National Health Council, as it used publicly accessible and non-identifiable information, thereby exempting it from the need for submission to the Research Ethics Committee.

Results and Discussion
The research corpus was composed of 200 posts. The initial coding stage resulted in 34 preliminary codes. After reassessing the material, some codes were consolidated, resulting in a total of 13 final codes, organized into 2 main themes, with 3 subthemes each. Figure 1 shows the thematic map regarding the final analytical organization of the data.
The two thematic axes were: 1) "Your new version is all you always wanted and will be: without cellulite, thin, safer, happier, less anxious, less depressed, more valued…”: weight loss as the only way to a full and happy life; and 2) "How diet treats leukemia": "miracle" nutrients as a source of cure and disease protection. The categories are presented and discussed below.
[Insert Figure 1]
Theme 1) "Your new version is all you always wanted and will be: without cellulite, thin, safer, happier, less anxious, less depressed, more valued…": weight loss as the only way to a full and happy life.
In this category, aesthetic and bodily values and norms are primarily listed, contributing to the dissemination and reinforcement of social ideals related to the body. It is worth noting that these norms are limited to the pursuit of a thin body as the only possible way to fully, worthily, and happily exist in society, as illustrated by the posts below.
"What is your biggest wish? A- To give 10kg back to the universe, B- To wear a bikini again, C- To regain my self-esteem, D- All of the above."
"(...) It will work out, and you will achieve your best version. You will improve your confidence and self-esteem. You will feel desirable again. Have the body of your dreams. Wear those clothes that have been stored away. And choose the clothes you like, not just the ones that fit you. Fill your social media with amazing photos”.
Social media are an important source of dissemination of values and norms of aesthetic-body standards that are incorporated by society34, especially by the female public. Women continue to be the main target of advertisements and weight loss programs, disguised as health care, sold on social media. Thus, the association between diet, health and beauty, in which health corresponds to the imperative of taking care of the body and being thin35,36, anchors the marketing strategies used in these spaces.
In this scenario, the figure of the popular nutritionist on social media emerges, becoming a public figure with great power of influence. In the health field, the nutritionist is the professional with the prerogative of providing guidance on adequate and healthy eating36. However, in private contexts, the professional activity of the nutritionist is often largely related to weight loss. Thus, the ‘celebrity’ nutritionist on social media assumes the role of holder of knowledge, and uses ‘tips’ to dictate norms and rules regarding healthy eating as a means of correcting or curing problems, similar to a miracle cure13; as well as to correct bodies that do not meet the required standards. Consequently, they disseminate and reinforce reductionist solutions to achieve the ‘perfect’ body, translated and limited to the young, toned and white body35. In this way, it is clear that the professional uses this position as holder of knowledge and expert in food and weight loss to reproduce biopower devices16, resonating aesthetic norms as the key to well-being and happiness, as seen in the excerpts below:
"The rule is clear and must be respected: to lose weight permanently, you need to follow the plan that I will give you in the Weight Loss Challenge."
"It's going to go very wrong… But if you follow a plan validated by more than 40,000 women, it will work, and you will achieve your best version."
"Is your problem not knowing what to eat? You will have me and my elite team at your disposal!"
It is worth noting that, considering the current fatphobic contemporary society37, 38, the thin body symbolizes not only beauty but, above all, success, achievement, control, and good moral character39-41. In this way, the idea is also disseminated that by achieving a thin body, all the positive attributes associated with it will be ‘magically’ attained, as illustrated by the excerpt: “Would you like to be a powerful, confident woman and live your best version? Would you like to regain your self-esteem, feel pleasure when looking in the mirror, and feel complete?”. Furthermore, it is important to highlight that fatphobic discourses are already present among nutrition students and nutritionists, which is reflected in the discourse of the analyzed profile.
Thus, it is clear that the body is understood and sold by these media as a product34. In Brazil, according to Goldenber (2006)42, the “worked” body without unwanted marks is the only one that, even when naked, is dressed correctly, because the body has become the true garment to be displayed, produced and imitated. Also in Brazil, it is common to use the verbal structure “to produce oneself”, an expression that coincides with Goffman’s view of “presentation of oneself”, to designate the act in which a person dresses or prepares themselves before appearing in a social act43. This ideology of the cult of the body thus establishes a body/object relationship, which is explicit in the posts evaluated.
In this discussion, it is worth highlighting that whenever social control mechanisms establish rigid standards of corporeality, the greater the demand is that a highly idealized model of the body be achieved. Consequently, those who do not conform to this body standard internalize the idea that they need to “correct” their bodies. Thus, the body ceases to be the form in which we are and are in the world and becomes a moldable and correctable “draft”; and attempts to “fix” the body symbolize attempts to “correct” one’s own life44, as is made clear in the excerpt: “(...) You will be a new woman, transformed, complete (...).
It is important to highlight that, by disseminating the evaluated narratives, we have linked the idea of meritocracy; that is, the illusion that individuals are solely responsible for their successes and failures, regardless of their socio-historical contexts45. From the perspective of meritocracy, the positions of individuals in society are considered consequences of each person's merit, that is, of their discipline and individual achievements46. Thus, from the perspective of medicalization, collective problems are individualized and the understanding is fostered that achieving the body of one's dreams is something easy for all women, all that is needed is self-responsibility, discipline, dedication and willpower35; and following the guidance of the professional expert in weight loss.
Therefore, the media narratives contained in this profile help to reinforce the idea of meritocracy as they use strategies centered on self-control and individual accountability, spreading the illusion that ‘all you need to do is want it’ to achieve the desired ideal body47. Still in this reflection, it is clear that individuals are seen as subjects of performance and production, as ‘entrepreneurs of themselves’. However, this subject continues to be disciplined and subject to the social mechanisms of power and control, as postulated by Foucault, but from a (mistaken) perspective that is submissive only to himself 44. The excerpts below illustrate this discussion:
“You don’t need to scrape your plate clean to understand that you are the one responsible for achieving the best version of yourself.”
“You already know that there is no magic formula, right?! There is willpower and understanding what works for you.”
“If you have tried everything to lose weight and haven’t achieved the expected results, you have certainly blamed someone or something for that. Am I right? Structure, genetics, emotions, pressure, environment... Do these factors influence? Of course they do, but... There is a way to change them, you just need to follow the right plan (...), but beyond the plan, there is someone responsible for all this change. YOU!”
“How long will you accept having low self-esteem, not feeling desired and barely looking at yourself in the mirror? How long will you allow yourself to go into a store, never find anything that fits, no clothes that flatter you? How long will you make excuses that you don’t have time to take care of yourself and have the body of your dreams?”
Still in the context of meritocracy, it is worth highlighting the fact that failure in the weight loss process is attributed exclusively to the individual, who did not make enough effort in this process, as illustrated by the phrase: “Say goodbye to failed attempts to lose weight and achieve your best version”. In this process, the mistaken notion is perpetuated that having a healthy and adequate diet, necessary to achieve the ‘perfect’ body, depends exclusively on individual food choices. This notion hides the relevance of the macrosocial factors involved in these choices, such as the current food environment that, to a certain extent, does not favor the consumption of natural and minimally processed foods; and the economic, social, political and inequality factors involved, especially in Brazil48. According to the Penssan Network (2022)49, Brazil, which returned to the hunger map in 2019, reached, in 2022, the alarming prevalence of 58.7% of the population living with some degree of food insecurity. In this context, it is highlighted that the dynamics of income distribution appears to be the fundamental determinant of the dynamics of food insecurity in our country50.
Individual responsibility for food choices, in addition to being a source of frustration, removes responsibility from other actors, such as the State and public policies, which must create environmental, social, political and economic conditions that favor them48. It also removes the responsibility of the nutrition professional, whose practices are grounded in reductionist and controlling approaches, based on a limited understanding of eating baheviour and the healthcare process20. Furthermore, in this context, the body becomes an element of social distinction, considering that those who are able to follow dietary recommendations to achieve an adequate body are a small and privileged part of the population.
Another relevant issue covered in this category concerns the appreciation of diets as an efficient way to lose weight and achieve the body of your dreams, as illustrated in the posts:
"The ketogenic diet, besides promoting weight loss and being excellent for overcoming plateaus and helping to eliminate those stubborn extra pounds, can also benefit various other aspects of women's health..."
"Fasting is an excellent tool for weight loss. In addition to helping reduce inflammation levels and total body fat without sacrificing muscle mass."
"The low-carb diet is an excellent weight loss strategy, helps combat inflammation, is a great treatment for PCOS, and helps reduce bloating."
"Detox therapy: I have prepared some therapies that you can implement in your routine to facilitate your body's detoxification and anti-inflammatory processes... Organic apple cider vinegar (a powerful detoxification agent), aloe vera juice (...)"
The construction of the meaning of the word ‘diet’ in our society is linked to the meaning of weight loss through dietary restrictions and control of food cravings35. It is also important to emphasize that the famous ‘fad diets’ are popular practices disseminated as promoters of quick and attractive results51. In this sense, diets, which materialize the current imperative of body care, act as a technique for docilizing bodies, and require constant discipline and self-vigilance. However, this process does not make explicit the ineffectiveness and harm inherent in diet practices for weight loss, especially for eating behavior, such as reduced responsiveness to internal signals of hunger and satiety; increased interference of external factors in eating and eating practices; and greater vulnerability to the development of food cravings, disordered eating, overeating, eating disorders and long-term weight gain35,52,53.
From this reflection, it is clear that diets, contrary to how they are sold, aim to correct bodies and not improve health54, being in reality a form of exercising control over the eating and bodies of subjects54,55,56, in a condition that promotes their subjection to a normalized life, in accordance with both social and biomedical normativity57.
Theme 2) "How diet treats leukemia?”: "Miraculous" nutrients as a source of cure and disease protection.
In this category, the narratives focus on food as a way of preventing and curing diseases, through the consumption of the ‘correct’ nutrients. In the meantime, the excessive and exclusive valorization of nutrients is promoted, reflecting the process of medicalization that has intensified in recent decades58, as illustrated by the posts below:
“How to naturally treat vitiligo? (..) Remove all inflammatory foods, including refined sugar, refined oil, gluten, conventional dairy, processed and canned meat, additives. Artificial ingredients, avoid as much as possible non-organic products with pesticides or hormones, junk food and highly processed foods. (..) Use anti-inflammatory and antioxidant-rich herbs and spices: turmeric, ginger, cinnamon, basil, rosemary, dill, cloves, pepper, cayenne, black pepper, onion and garlic.”
“Diet for those with autoimmune disease: (..) Give preference to natural foods such as fruits, vegetables, legumes and good quality proteins. VITAMIN D. Avoid gluten - gluten is responsible for manifestations of sensitivity within the body, being considered a food allergen, triggering severe inflammatory processes and also the worsening or emergence of autoimmune diseases.”
“How to improve the symptoms of fibromyalgia? (..) Invest in foods rich in magnesium: green leafy vegetables, pumpkin seeds, almonds and avocados. (..) Invest in foods rich in melatonin - as sleep disorders are common among the symptoms of fibromyalgia, it is recommended to increase the sleep hormone, melatonin: walnuts, mustard seeds, asparagus, tomatoes and bananas. Invest in foods rich in tryptophan - tryptophan is necessary for the body to produce serotonin, which is associated with restful sleep (..)”.
The identification of foods based on their nutritional constituents, which reduces them to a set of nutrients, is based on a pharmacological conception of food and materializes ‘nutritionism’ and the binary category of foods into ‘good and bad’, ‘allowed and prohibited’, ‘healthy and unhealthy’, based exclusively on their nutritional content22. In this sense, the biological view of food, with an emphasis on the relationship between food and disease prevention, results in the overvaluation of a concept of health linked only to those food choices defined as adequate by biomedical discourse18,20,59,60.
The search for the ideal dietary pattern leads people to fetishize certain foods that have high concentrations of nutrients considered functional, the so-called 'superfoods'. This phenomenon disseminates the notion of the 'miraculous' role of nutrients in health, as if they were capable of magically curing all sorts of diseases60. The posts below illustrate this reflection:
“Did you know that you can treat leukemia with dietary and natural strategies too?! “
"Best antioxidant foods: Moro orange, saffron, flaxseed, strawberry and lemon. (...) These foods offer a variety of health benefits, including strengthening immunity, detoxification and reducing the risk of diseases such as: osteoporosis, heart disease and diabetes.”
“Have you heard of Moro Orange? It is a fruit that has antioxidant properties, that is, it ensures skin rejuvenation and prevents cell damage. In addition, it helps in the weight loss process (...). Anti-inflammatory effect: due to the anthocyanins present in its composition (...) and it has a role in helping to reduce oxidative stress in the body and cardiovascular diseases. Prevents heart disease (...). Combats the symptoms of Diabetes (...). Antioxidant - it is rich in phenolic compounds and vitamins that act as powerful antioxidant agents and modulate the inflammation generated by excess adipose tissue”.
The medicalization of food and the rationalization of eating are processes that supplant the cultural, social, symbolic and political aspects of eating60. Food pleasure, preferences and tastes are placed in the background to the detriment of dietary rules and nutritional recommendations, anchored mainly in the biological role of food. In this process, all the different and diverse social, cultural and symbolic contours and meanings of food are disregarded59-61.
Both dietary practices and nutritionism are understood as performances of a bioasceticism that embodies the biomedical rationality of food. Bioasceticism comprises a practice of subjection, in which the individual uses practices adopted by individuals within an available symbolic system to achieve a specific spiritual objective, changing themselves as subjects and transforming their social relations62. It arises from the co-optation of biotechnology and part of the medical discourse by capital. The aesthetic market becomes a fruitful field of articulation between knowledge from the health field and the logic of the market, elevating the aesthetic ideal of the contemporary body to a sign of health63. This relationship attributes an effect of truth to the statements that come from this position of holder of knowledge about health, thus ratifying the influence of these statements on the general public.
With the justification of making certain academic knowledge palatable to the public, such digital influencers proceed with logical simplifications that mask their belonging to a marketing logic. In this sense, the nutritionism present in the posts analyzed, by linking the consumption of certain foods to miraculous effects on health, can be understood as belonging to a genre of “manipulative propagandist discourse”, according to Charaudeau’s typology (2010)64. This is because it constitutes an incitement to do, that is, to adopt a certain bioasceticism considered the most correct way to live. To this end, the agent of the enunciation takes advantage of his position of social legitimacy, guaranteed by academic training, and creates a game of persuasion and seduction, using strategies of simplification and repetition.
Conclusion
The posts analyzed demonstrate the strong influence of social media in the construction of narratives that extol weight loss and a thin body as the only parameters of beauty, success, and belonging. These narratives are often based on the idea of meritocracy, attributing all responsibility for success or failure in this process to the individual. In addition, the centrality of nutritionism and the medicalization of food is observed, highlighting certain nutrients as miraculous and disregarding the symbolic, cultural, social, economic, and political aspects of food.
In light of this, it is crucial to examine the ethics of sharing content on social media, particularly about the role of nutritionists and other healthcare professionals. The update of the Code of Ethics for Nutritionists, in 2018, emphasizes the importance of communication based on health promotion and food and nutritional education in a critical and contextualized manner65. However, challenges persist, such as the dissemination of body images linked to promises of transformation, a practice prohibited by the code of ethics but still widely observed.
In addition to the Code of Ethics for Nutritionists, it is necessary to consider the enforcement mechanisms responsible for ensuring its effective application, namely the Federal Council of Nutritionists and the Regional Councils of Nutritionists, which are the official bodies responsible for regulating, guiding, and supervising professional practice in Brazil. These councils must prevent practices that violate ethical principles, including those disseminated on social media platforms. Beyond professional councils, the involvement of other actors is essential to promote a more moral and responsible professional conduct among nutritionists, such as educational institutions, which are responsible for the academic and ethical training of future professionals; oversight by the digital platforms themselves; and government action through policies that regulate advertising and health communication. These forms of articulation represent relevant pathways for fostering structural and cultural changes aimed at curbing practices that reinforce body stigma and/or promote nutritional misinformation on social media.
The study has limitations, such as the analysis of only one profile and the exclusion of videos, which requires caution in generalizing the results. However, it provides relevant data on the role of nutritionists on social media, contributing to educational actions and a more critical and reflective training. In addition, it encourages the ethical and political analysis of shared information, promoting a more conscious consumption of nutritional content and the identification of scientific discourses that distort evidence.
Finally, it is essential to encourage critical discussions in nutrition training, bringing them closer to the social sciences so that professionals can develop a broader and more multidimensional view of food, body and health. The perpetuation of unattainable ideals can reinforce the stigma of weight and generate negative impacts on the mental and physical health of individuals. Therefore, it is up to nutrition professionals and other stakeholders to act ethically and responsibly, contributing to a more inclusive and respectful approach in communication about food and body on social media.
Declaração de disponibilidade de dados
As fontes de dados utilizados na pesquisa estão indicadas no corpo do artigo.

References
1. Chaud, DMA, Marchioni DML. Nutrição e mídia: uma combinação às vezes indigesta. Hig. Alimentar 2004; 116(117): 18-21.
2. Mingoia, J, Hutchinson, AD, Wilson, C, Gleaves DH. The Relationship between Social Networking Site Use and the Internalization of a Thin Ideal in Females: A Meta-Analytic Review. Front Psychol 2017; 7(8):1351.
3. Lucena, BB, Seixas, CM, Ferreira FR. Ninguém é tão perfeito que não precise ser editado: fetiche e busca do corpo ideal. Psicol USP 2020; 31:e190113.
4. Chou, HT, Edge, N. "They are happier and having better lives than I am": the impact of using Facebook on perceptions of others' lives. Cyberpsychol Behav Soc Netw 2012; 15(2):117-121.
5. Manago, AM, Graham, MB, Greenfield, PM. Self-presentation and gender on MySpace. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 2008; 29(6): 446-458.
6. Mayoh, J. ‘Perfect pregnancy? Pregnant bodies, digital leisure and the presentation of self’. Leisure Studies 2019; 38(2): 204–217.
7. Mole, T. Byron's Romantic Celebrity: Industrial Culture and the Hermeneutic of Intimacy. Nova Iorque: Palgrave Macmillan; 2007.
8. Lilti, A. A invenção da celebridade (1750-1850). Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileir; 2018.
9. Almeida, MIS, Coelho, RLF, Camilo-Junior, CG, Godoy, RMF. Quem Lidera sua Opinião? Influência dos Formadores de Opinião Digitais no Engajamento. Rev Adm Contemp 2018; 22(1):115–137.
10. Comscore Brasil. Tendências de Social Media 2023. Disponível em: https://static.poder360.com.br/2023/03/Tendencias-de-Social-Media-2023-1.pdf.
11. Opinion Box. Relatório Instagram no Brasil. Dados sobre a rede social com maior engajamento entre os usuários no mundo; 2024. Disponível em: https://content.app-us1.com/JY8yY/2024/02/21/f553e11d-1cf8-400a-9fb5-6bf4b2483bcd.pdf.
12. Aquino, SP , Vaz, EM, Fidelix, M. Nutrição e Midia: O “Boom” exige responsabilidade. Rev. Assoc. Bras. Nutr. 2013; 5(1):3-4.
13. Gloria, NF, Carvalho, MCVS, Seixas, CM, Barcellos DMN. Nutricionismo, postagens e celebridades: o que o oráculo nos diz para comer? Revista Eletrônica de Comunicação, Informação & Inovação em Saúde 2021; 15(3): 636-647.
14. Añaña, E, Barbosa, B. Digital Influencers Promoting Healthy Food: The Role of Source Credibility and Consumer Attitudes and Involvement on Purchase Intention. Sustainability 2023; 15(20), 15002.
15. Klein JJ, Schweikart SJ. Does Regulating Dietary Supplements as Food in a World of Social Media Influencers Promote Public Safety? AMA J Ethics 2022; 1;24(5):E396-401.
16. Jacob, H. Redes sociais, mulheres e corpo: um estudo da linguagem fitness na rede social Instagram. Revista Communicare- Dossiê Feminismo 2014; 14(1): 88-105.
17. Gracia-Arnaiz, M. Fat bodies and thin bodies. Cultural, biomedical and market discourses on obesity. Appetite 2010; 55(2): 219-225.
18. Kraemer, FB, Prado, SD, Ferreira, FR, Carvalho, MCVS. O discurso sobre a alimentação saudável como estratégia de biopoder. Physis 2014; 24(4):1337–60.
19. Furtado, RN, Camilo JAO. O conceito de biopoder no pensamento de Michel Foucault. Rev. Subj 2016; 16(3): 34-44.
20. Villela, MCE, Azevedo, E. Controle de si e cuidado de si: uma reflexão sobre a ciência da nutrição. DEMETRA: Alimentação, Nutrição & Saúde 2021; 16:e47183.
21. Péres, DS, Franco, LJ, Santos, MA dos. Comportamento alimentar em mulheres portadoras de diabetes tipo 2. Rev Saúde Pública 2006; 40(2):310–7.
22. Scrinis G. On the ideology of nutricionism. Gastronomica 2008; 8(1): 39-48.
23. Poulain, J.P. Éléments pour une histoire de la médicalisation de l’obésité. Obésité 2009; 4:7-16.
24. Silva, AFS, Neves, LS, Japur, CC, Penaforte, TR, Penaforte, FRO. Construção imagético-discursiva da beleza corporal em mídias sociais: repercussões na percepção sobre o corpo e o comer dos seguidores. DEMETRA: Alimentação, Nutrição & Saúde 2018; 13(2): 395-411.
25. Silva, AFS, Japur, CC, Penaforte, FRO. Repercussions of Social Networks on Their Users’ Body Image: Integrative Review. Psic: Teor e Pesq 2020; 36:e36510.
26. Taquette, SR, Villela, WV. Pesquisa qualitativa em medicina. Ciênc Saúde Coletiva 2017; 22(1):4.
27. Silva, E. 7 nutricionistas famosas para seguir no Instagram; 2024. Disponível em: https://www.minhavida.com.br/materias/materia-15361.
28. L'Officiel Brasil. Nutricionista? 10 contas famosas para seguir no Instagram. 2018. Disponível em: https://www.revistalofficiel.com.br/wellness/vale-o-follow-10-nutricionistas-para-seguir-no-instagram.
29. Fitness e Nutrição Blog. 10 nutricionistas que você precisa seguir no Instagram. 2016. Disponível em: https://fitnessenutricaoblog.wordpress.com/2016/01/11/10-nutricionistas-que-voce-precisa-seguir-no-instagram.
30. Öberg B. Nutricionista de celebridades passa a atender em São Paulo. Veja SP. 2018. Disponível em: https://vejasp.abril.com.br/cidades/nutricionista-patricia-davidson-sao-paulo/.
31. Sales J. Nutricionista das famosas lista os alimentos ideais para 'secar'. O Globo. 2015. Disponível em: https://oglobo.globo.com/ela/beleza/dieta/nutricionista-das-famosas-lista-os-alimentos-ideais-para-secar-18201426
32. Bardin L. Análise de conteúdo. São Paulo: Edições 70; 2015.
33. Flick U. Introdução à pesquisa qualitativa. Porto Alegre: Artmed Editora; 2009.
34. Furtado ER. Representações sociais do corpo, mídia e atitudes. Tese (Doutorado em Psicologia). Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Florianópolis; 2009.
35. Campos, MT, Cecílio, MS, Penaforte FRO. Corpo-vitrine, ser mulher e saúde: produção de sentidos nas capas da revista boa forma. DEMETRA: Alimentação, Nutrição & Saúde 2014; 11(3): 611-628.
36. Seixas, CM, Casemiro, JP, Coutinho, C de O, Conde, TN, Brandão AL. Fábrica da nutrição neoliberal: elementos para uma discussão sobre as novas abordagens comportamentais. Physis 2020; 30(4):e300411.
37. Silva, BL, Cantisani JL. Interfaces between fatphobia and the professionalization in nutrition: an essential debate. DEMETRA: Alimentação, Nutrição & Saúde 2018; 13(2):363-380.
38. Nutter, S, Eggerichs, LA, Nagpal, TS, Ramos, Salas, X, Chin, Chea C, Saiful, S, Ralston, J et al. Changing the global obesity narrative to recognize and reduce weight stigma: A position statement from the World Obesity Federation. Obes Ver 2024; 25(1):e13642.
39. Gracia-Arnaiz, M. Thou shalt not get fat: Medical representations and self-images of obesity in a Mediterranean society. Health 2013; 5(7): 1180-1189.
40. Ogden J. A vez do gordo? Desfazendo o mito da dieta. Rio de Janeiro: Imago; 1993.
41. Gaspar, MCMP, Sato, PM, Scagliusi, FB. Under the ‘weight’ of norms: Social representations of overweight and obesity among Brazilian, French and Spanish dietitians and laywomen. Social Science & Medicine. 2022; 298:e114861.
42. Goldenberg, M. Gênero e corpo na cultura brasileira. Psicol Clin 2005; 17(2):65–80.
43. Malysse, S. Em busca dos (H)alters-egos: olhares franceses nos bastidores da corpolatria carioca. In: Goldenberg, MM. Nu & vestido: dez antropólogos revelam a cultura do corpo carioca. Rio de Janeiro: Record; 2002.
44. Campos, SS, Ferreira, FR, Wollz, LEB, Seixas, CM. Gordinha da silva: análise discursiva acerca do corpo feminino considerado gordo no universo dos blogs. DEMETRA: Alimentação, Nutrição & Saúde. 2016; 11(3): 629-642.
45. Chauí, M. O que é Ideologia. São Paulo: Brasiliense; 2001.
46. Barbosa, L. Igualdade e Meritocracia. A Ética do Desempenho nas Sociedades Modernas. Rio de Janeiro: Fundação Getúlio Vargas; 1999.
47. Vendruscolo, MF, Malina, A, Azevedo, ACB. A concepção de obesidade e padrão corporal por mediações ideológicas da mídia. Pensar a Prática 2014; 17(2).
48. Silva, TA, Silva, AFS, Japur, CC, Martins, PC, Buttros, TS, Penaforte, FRO. Entre orientações e normatizações: cartilhas brasileiras sobre alimentação e nutrição no contexto da pandemia de Covid-19. Saude Soc 2022; 31(3):e210745pt.
49. Rede PENSSAN. II Inquérito Nacional sobre Insegurança Alimentar no Contexto da Pandemia da Covid-19 no Brasil: II VIGISAN: relatório final/Rede Brasileira de Pesquisa em Soberania e Segurança Alimentar - PENSSAN. São Paulo: Fundação Friedrich Ebert: Rede PENSSAN; 2022.
50. Jesus, JG, Hoffmann, R, Miranda, SHG de. Insegurança alimentar, pobreza e distribuição de renda no Brasil. Rev Econ Sociol Rural 2024; 62(4):e281936.
51. Brandão, VL, Nascimento, FID, Ogawa, WN. Emagrecer: Dietas da moda versus reeducação alimentar. Rev. Cereus 2014; 6(2): 154-160.
52. Rezende, FAC, Penaforte, FRO. Dietas e seus desfechos negativos em saúde. In: Rezende, FAC, Penaforte, FRO, Martins, PC. Corpo, comida e comportamento humano. São Paulo: IACI; 2020.
53. Stroebe, W, Van Koningsbruggen, GM, Papies, EK, Aarts H. Why most dieters fail but some succeed: A goal conflict model of eating behavior. Psychological Review 2013; 120(1): 110-138.
54. Neves, AD, Mendonça, AL. Alterações na identidade social do obeso: do estigma ao fat pride. DEMETRA: Alimentação, Nutrição & Saúde 2014; 9(3): 619-631.
55. Conde, TN, Seixas, CM. Movimento Body Positive no Instagram: reflexões sobre a estetização da saúde na sociedade neoliberal. Revista Eletrônica de Comunicação, Informação e Inovação em Saúde 2021; 15(1): 136-154.
56. Gracia-Arnaiz, M. Comer bien, comer mal: la medicalización del comportamiento alimentario. Salud Pública de México 2007; 49 (3): 236-242.
57. Pich, S, Fensterseifer PE. O corpo e o contemporâneo: entre o princípio do prazer, o ascetismo e a áskesis. Pro-Posições 2022; 33:e20190127.
58. Gaspar, MCDMP, Verthein, U. Entre la “salud” y la “tradición”: las representaciones sociales de la dieta mediterránea. Physis 2019; 29(2):e290217.
59. Fernandes, TTC, Ferreira, FR, Marques, CS, Vargas, EP. O discurso biomédico nas capas da revista Saúde. Revista Eletrônica de Comunicação, Informação & Inovação em Saúde 2020; 14(1).
60. Viana, MR, Neves, AS, Camargo, KR, Prado, SD, Mendonça, ALO. A racionalidade nutricional e sua influência na medicalização da comida no Brasil. Ciênc Saúde Coletiva 2017; 22(2):447-456.
61. Goldenberg, M. Cultura e gastro-anomia: psicopatologia da alimentação cotidiana. entrevista com Claude Fischler. Horizontes Antropológicos 2011; 17(36): 235-256.
62. Ortega, F. O corpo incerto: corporeidade, tecnologias médicas e cultura contemporânea. Rio de Janeiro: Garamond; 2008.
63. Santos, MA, Oliveira, VH, Peres, RS, Risk, EN, Leonidas, C, Oliveira-Cardoso, EA. Corpo, saúde e sociedade de consumo: a construção social do corpo saudável. Saude Soc 2019; 28(3):239-252.
64. Charaudeau, P. O discurso propagandista: uma tipologia. In: Machado, IL, Mello, R. Análises do Discurso Hoje. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira; 2010.
65. Conselho Federal de Nutrição. Resolução CFN N° 599/2018 (Nova Redação). Código de ética e de conduta do nutricionista; 2018.


Other languages:







How to

Cite

Penaforte, F.R.O, Silva, AFS, Oliveira, VH, Martins, PC, Prata, MCMG. “Pare de sabotar sua perda de peso”: regulações corporais, nutricionismo e discurso meritocrático nas redes sociais.. Cien Saude Colet [periódico na internet] (2025/Nov). [Citado em 05/12/2025]. Está disponível em: http://cienciaesaudecoletiva.com.br/en/articles/pare-de-sabotar-sua-perda-de-peso-regulacoes-corporais-nutricionismo-e-discurso-meritocratico-nas-redes-sociais/19869?id=19869



Execution



Sponsors