Artigos

Introduction
Sexual violence includes any sexual act or attempt to have one, unwanted sexual comments or insinuations, practices aimed at human trafficking, or directed against a person's sexuality, whether through physical violence or coercion [1]. It can be practiced by any individual, regardless of whether there is a relationship with the victim, in whatever context, including in the home [2].
According to the World Health Organization (WHO), it is estimated that globally about 30% of women who have had an intimate partner have experienced sexual and/or physical violence at some point in their lives. When sexual violence is committed by someone other than a woman's intimate partner, the global estimate is 7% [3].
Studies show that sexual violence occurs predominantly against females between 10 and 14 years old, Black, poor, from large families, and in unstable family environments. Moreover, the aggressor is usually a male person with family ties or close to the family, taking advantage of the privacy of the domestic context to practice violence [4,5]. Adult boys and men also suffer sexual violence, although this violence is fewer in number and less documented [6].
A systematic review conducted in 2011 on the prevalence of childhood sexual violence (<18 years old) worldwide showed that 20% of girls and 8% of boys had been subjected to violence [7]. It is estimated that annually across the globe, 1 in 5 girls and 1 in 13 boys are sexually abused [8]. In African countries, there is the highest prevalence of sexual abuse rates against children and adolescents (50.7% of girls and 34% of boys); in Europe and the United States (US), the rate is lower (12.3% of girls and 9.2% of boys) [9]. Official 2018 data from Brazil showed that 68% of rapes registered in the health system were of vulnerable victims and/or those under 18 years of age [10].
Sexual violence results in severe physical, mental, sexual, reproductive, and health problems, affects relationships, and leads to social and economic costs for victims, their families, and society. It is currently considered a health and public safety problem [11]. Victims of this crime may develop low self-esteem, repeat learned violent and risky behaviors, and introduce them throughout their lives, such as alcohol and other drug use, abusive intimate relationships, delinquent acts, and self-harm [12,13]. Widom [14], studying 1,575 individuals from childhood to adulthood in New York City, US, concluded that individuals with a criminal history and a history of childhood abuse were at increased risk of becoming sex offenders in adulthood compared to those who were not abused. The Covid-19 pandemic has succeeded in a reconfiguration of social coexistence and increased the likelihood of children suffering physical, psychological, and sexual abuse in their homes, especially those who are already inserted in violent and vulnerable family environments [15].
The Brazilian Penal Code [16] defines rape as coercing someone by violence or serious threat to have carnal intercourse or to practice or allow another libidinous act to be practiced with him, with a prison sentence. When the crime is committed against victims under 14 years of age, it is defined as the rape of the vulnerable, as well as committed against someone who, due to illness or mental disability, does not have the necessary discernment to consent to the act or who, for any other reason (such as, for example, an unconscious person, under the effect of psychoactive substances – PASs) cannot offer resistance. Such crimes are called crimes against sexual dignity.
According to the Brazilian Public Security Yearbooks (2017 and 2018), crimes against sexual dignity have grown exponentially and disproportionately to population growth [17,18]. In 2018, around 66,000 cases of rape were registered, which represents an increase of 4.6% compared to the number of occurrences recorded in the year 2017 [18]. A study conducted in Curitiba, the capital of Paraná state in the southern region of Brazil, found that 81% of cases of sexual violence are committed against girls under 14 years old and have the father as the primary aggressor [12].
According to the survey of complaints made by telephone in the years 2018 and 2019 to the National Human Rights Ombudsman, Ministry of Women, Family, and Human Rights, sexual violation consists of the fourth most incident violence in Brazil when it comes to children and adolescents, with 11% of cases. According to this report, 73% of the cases happen in the victim or suspect's home, and the father or stepfather commits it in 40% of the records. In 82% of the cases, the victim is female, and 46% of the total are adolescent victims aged between 12 and 17 years [19].
According to the Report on Human Rights Violations produced by the Ministry of Human Rights and Citizenship in 2022, the Brazilian Federal District (BFD) occupied the 11th position in denunciations among the Brazilian states, being São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul and Bahia the ones that figured the highest amount of denunciations [20]. The map of violence against women in Brazil, prepared by the Commission for the Defense of Women's Rights linked to the Brazilian Parliament, showed that the country's capital, BFD, is among the ten states that most recorded rape crimes in 2018, ranking 7th among the 27 Brazilian states [21]. This context led to the creation in Brazil of the term "rape culture" in discussions and studies on the topic, referring to a set of behaviors and actions of society that “tolerate” rape committed against children, adolescents, and adults. According to this concept, the guiding principle of this culture is the social inequality between men and women. Women are seen as inferior individuals and often as objects of desire and property for men – which authorizes, trivializes, or fuels various forms of physical and psychological violence, including rape. "She provoked him", "she was wearing a short skirt", "she shouldn't have been out alone", "she shouldn't have been on the street at that time", when this kind of comments comes along and cast doubt on the victim's accusation, we are facing the rape culture. In this context, women end up feeling responsible and guilty for the violence they have suffered and are ashamed to report it. [22].
Therefore, this study aimed to describe the sociodemographic characteristics of the victims, data related to rape crimes, and the circumstances of the events in all rape crimes that occurred in 2018 and 2019 in the BFD, comparing cases when the offender was known/intimate and not known/intimate to the victim, to identify high-risk situations.

Methods
A population-based, observational, cross-sectional study with a forensic analysis component was conducted to investigate crimes against sexual dignity, specifically rape and rape of vulnerable persons, occurring in the BFD during 2018 and 2019. The BFD is in the Midwest region of the country with a population of 3,094,325 inhabitants spread over 33 administrative regions (like neighborhoods). It is the third most populous city [23] in the country, with the highest gross domestic product per capita among the states' capitals of the country; at the same time, it is characterized by its social inequality, being the fourth most unequal metropolitan area in Brazil and the sixteenth in the world, according to the United Nations [24,25].
Data were collected from two primary sources at the Civil Police of the BFD (PCDF): (i) Police Station reports, which detail the circumstances of the crime, including time, location, individuals involved (victims, perpetrators/suspects), related objects, and a chronological account of the events, and (ii) Coroners' reports from the Legal Medicine Institute, which examine the victim's body for evidence of sexual violence (such as sperm traces, physical violence, and possible pregnancy).
The police report is a comprehensive document generated by the Police Station to record instances of rape crimes and their pertinent details officially. This includes information such as the time and location of the incident, individuals involved (both victims and perpetrators/suspects), any related objects, and a detailed account of the sequence of events and the modus operandi employed by the perpetrator (e.g., coercion, violence). Once the report is filed, the victim is typically referred to the Legal Medicine Institute for coroners' examinations to gather material evidence. These examinations may involve thorough inspections of the victim's body and clothing to identify any traces of biological material left by the perpetrator during the sexual violence. This forensic analysis facilitates comparisons between the collected samples (of interest) and standard samples from suspects, aiding the investigative process.
The following independent variables were analyzed in the study:
• Months of the year (January to December)
• Day of the week (weekdays or weekends)
• Time of day (dawn/early morning: 12am to 5:59am; morning: 6am to 11:59am; afternoon: 12pm to 5:59pm; evening: 6pm to 11:59pm)
• Location of the crime (private area, residence, or public area)
• Methods employed (threat: yes or no; physical violence: yes or no)
• Presence of penetrative intercourse (yes or no)
• Presence of other libidinous acts without penetrative intercourse (yes or no)
• Victim's sex (male or female)
• Victim's age group (child: 0-13 years old; adolescent: 14-17 years old; adults: 18-59 years old; seniors: over 60 years old)
• Victim's marital status (married, cohabiting, or not married)
• Victim's level of education (illiterate, elementary school, high school, or college/higher education)
• Victim's race (White, Black/Pardo, or others)
• PASs use by the victim before the sexual violence (yes or no)
• Vulnerability of the victim (under 14 years old, disabled, under the influence of PASs; yes or no)
Given that the outcome of the cases in this study was rape, we sought to assess which independent variables are associated with this event. A comparison of the number of cases between years, days of the week, and periods of the day was performed using a generalized linear model with Poisson distribution [26].
The log-binomial regression model was employed to compare groups with and without victim-author relationships, here defined as any bond or tie with the victim, such as friendship, any affair, marriage, kinship or neighbors, regarding binary variables (yes or no) and subsequently estimate prevalence ratios (PR) [27]. PR represents the percentual ratio of prevalences, enabling the assessment of the association between exposure and outcome (no/yes relation). It quantifies the extent to which a specific exposure influences a particular outcome. Associations of variables with more than two categories, such as location type, age of the victim, race of the victim, and level of education of the victim, were assessed using the Chi-square test (?2).
Furthermore, QGIS 3.26.0 software [28] was used for mapping and frequency distributions by the BFD region. For all analyses, a 5% significance level was adopted. The analyses were performed using SAS 9.4 software [29].
The Brasilia University Research Ethics Committee (BUREC) approved the research (CAAE: 41211320.6.0000.5540. Available to consult at: https://plataformabrasil.saude.gov.br/login.jsf).

Results
In the review of 2,108 reported cases of rape and rape of vulnerable persons in the BFD from January to December 2018 and 2019, 427 cases were found to have occurred in other states (419) or were characterized by dubious characterization or proven false allegations (8), resulting in a refined sample of 1,681 cases for comprehensive analysis. This subset was further delineated into 881 cases from 2018 and 800 from 2019, revealing a statistically significant disparity, with a higher incidence observed in 2018 compared to 2019 (p=0.048; 95% Confidence Interval: 0.64 – 161.36).
Regarding the temporal dynamics, Figure 1 represents the distribution of rape and rape of vulnerable persons across the months of 2018 and 2019. Notably, August 2018 marked a peak in recorded incidents. In the subsequent year, 2019, a substantial surge in cases was observed in April and November, juxtaposed with a noteworthy decline in June, July, and December compared to the preceding year.

[INSERT FIGURE 1]

Table 1 undertakes a comprehensive analysis of the incidence of rape cases and rape of vulnerable persons across the years 2018 and 2019. The examination is nuanced, considering variations by days of the week (weekdays and weekends) and periods (dawn, morning, afternoon, and evening). A discernible pattern emerges in both years, revealing that the average number of cases was consistently higher on weekends than weekdays. Specifically, the data indicates an average of 2.14 cases on weekends, with 1.99 cases in 2018 and a slight increase to 2.29 cases in 2019. In contrast, weekdays exhibited an average of 1.74 cases, with 1.65 cases in 2018 and 1.83 cases in 2019. Moreover, when scrutinizing the time of day, it becomes evident that the evening, followed by the afternoon, witnessed a heightened occurrence of these incidents in 2018 and 2019.

[INSERT TABLE 1]

Table 2 provides a comprehensive visual representation of the comparative analysis of rape cases and rape of vulnerable persons, considering various parameters, including the years 2018-2019, weekdays versus weekends, and different day periods. When focusing on the temporal aspect, an insightful pattern emerges from comparing different periods of the day. In both 2018 and 2019, the evening stands out as the period with the highest incidence of these crimes, showcasing a statistically significant difference when compared to the early mornings (p<0.01) and mornings (p<0.01). Additionally, there is a marked increase in incidents during the afternoon compared to the early mornings (p<0.01). A closer examination of the specific year 2018 reveals a temporal trend, where more crimes occurred in the evening compared to the afternoon (p<0.01). This temporal distribution suggests a concentration of incidents in the evening.

[INSERT TABLE 2]

Table 3 offers a detailed insight into the sociodemographic characteristics of victims and the corresponding crimes, examining variables related to knowing/having a relationship versus not knowing/not having a relationship with the aggressor. In 98.7% of cases involve a male aggressor.

[INSERT TABLE 3]

An association surfaces when considering the type of crime scene and the aggressor-victim relationship. Cases involving unrelated victim offenders show a higher proportion in public areas (~50%) and private places, contrasting with a predominant occurrence of cases with a relationship in residences (~84%; p<0.01). This connection highlights the influence of relationship dynamics on the crime location choice.
The prevalence of threatening approaches by the aggressor is lower (17%) among those with no victim-author relationship compared to cases involving a relationship (p<0.01). On the other hand, the prevalence of physical violence during the approach is 25% higher among individuals with no relationship with the aggressor (p<0.01). Furthermore, libidinous acts exhibit a 7% lower prevalence among those without a victim-author relationship (p<0.01), suggesting a potential influence of relationship dynamics on the nature of the crimes.
Exploring victim age, cases involving adults are more prevalent among those with no victim-author relationship, whereas cases with a relationship predominantly involve children and adolescents (p<0.01). The educational background of individuals with a victim-author connection tends to be concentrated in elementary school education. In contrast, those without a relationship exhibit a more distributed proportion between elementary and high school education.
Additionally, crimes involving victims reporting the use of PASs are approximately two times more prevalent among individuals with no victim-author relationship (p<0.01). Cases with vulnerable victims show a 39% lower prevalence among those without a victim-author relationship (p<0.01). Other crime characteristics (day of the week, period of the day, and sexual intercourse with penetration) and sociodemographic characteristics show no significant association with the aggressor-victim relationship.
Figure 2 represents the geographical distribution of rapes and rapes of vulnerable persons across the administrative regions of BFD. Ceilândia emerges as the administrative region with the highest incidence, followed by Planaltina and Samambaia. These three regions share a common characteristic – they possess a medium Human Development Index (HDI).

[INSERT FIGURE 2]

This medium HDI range identified in Ceilândia, Planaltina, and Samambaia is the lowest observed in BFD [30], which implies a potential correlation between these offenses' prevalence and the region's socioeconomic development.

Discussion
The findings of the present study reveal a disparity in the occurrence of rape and rape against vulnerable persons in the BFD between 2018 and 2019. Specifically, a higher incidence was observed in 2018 compared to 2019, with crimes predominantly occurring on weekends and during the evening and peaks observed in April and August. In analyzing the characteristics of these crimes and the sociodemographic profiles of the victims concerning the relationship between the victim and the offender, several significant findings emerged. Firstly, it was observed that most of these cases occurred within residences, and the victims were predominantly children and adolescents with elementary school education (expected for the age). Additionally, instances of libidinous acts were more prevalent, and the incidence of rape against vulnerable persons was higher when there was a victim-author relationship. In cases where there was no relationship, adults constituted the largest proportion of victims. In these instances, physical violence was more commonly employed as an approach strategy, and the use of PASs by the victims was higher (compatible with the age group). The regions within the BFD where these crimes were most prevalent are among the most socioeconomically and educationally vulnerable, consistent with the characteristics of the victims (low levels of education, even among adults).
This observed relationship between the timing of the year and the higher occurrence of crimes aligns with findings from a study conducted in Philadelphia, US, in 2017 [31]. The authors identified an association between daily heat index and the incidence of crimes, particularly violent crimes such as rape. They found that crime rates increased with rising temperatures, exhibiting a seasonal pattern with peaks in summer and decreases in winter [32]. This relationship can be attributed to the tendency of individuals to spend more time outdoors during warmer weather, thereby increasing their vulnerability to victimization while also providing perpetrators with more opportunities to commit rape crimes in outdoor environments.
The higher incidence of rape crimes against children and adolescents by known offenders compared to unknown offenders is consistent with findings from existing literature. A study conducted in 2021 by the Department of Justice in Tennessee, USA, shed light on the prevalence and severity of sexual violence among minors under 18 years old [33]. The study revealed that intimate partners were responsible for the most severe forms of sexual violence in this population. Moreover, factors such as the availability of alcohol, possession of firearms, and unemployment were directly associated with facilitating sexual violence, irrespective of the relationship between the perpetrator and the victim. These findings align with national survey data from the US Centers for Disease Control (CDC), which indicates that intimate partners—be it girlfriends, partners, or spouses – are the most common victims of sexual violence, accounting for a significant portion of reported rape crimes [34]. Furthermore, studies compiled by Lopez [35] underscore the prevalence of intimate partner sexual violence, with reports indicating that victims and perpetrators share similar characteristics, including a history of violence in the original home, previous incidents of violence, substance abuse during adolescence, low income, and educational attainment [36, 37]. Analysis suggests that critical determinants of sexual violence include childhood exposure to parental violence and alcohol abuse by husbands or cohabitants in adulthood [38].
In Tanzania, a country grappling with high rates of gender-based violence, both physical and sexual violence by intimate partners are prevalent issues. Studies indicate that 44% of married women aged 15-49 report experiencing physical or sexual violence from their intimate partners [39]. Approximately 20% of all women in Tanzania report experiencing sexual violence in their lifetime; nearly 1 in 3 women and approximately 1 in 7 men in Tanzania have experienced sexual violence at some point in their lives [40]. Additionally, victims, particularly children, are often reluctant to report rape crimes for fear of not being believed, especially when the perpetrator is a close family member like a parent or relative [41].
Regarding the methods used to approach victims, a compilation of studies on violence against women conducted by the WHO found that globally, 7% of women have experienced rape by someone who was not an intimate partner [42]. This study highlighted that both moral violence, including humiliation, insults, and physical violence, such as the use of firearms, white weapons, and sharp objects, were predominantly used when there was no relationship between the victim and the perpetrator. These findings align with the results of the present study, which identified a higher prevalence of physical violence in cases where there was no victim-author relationship. Furthermore, evidence suggests that non-intimate perpetrators are more likely to commit rapes facilitated by PASs use, as intimate partners typically have a sexual history less influenced by substance use to coerce compliance [43].
Conversely, cases of sexual violence committed by intimate partners tend to involve more violent penetrating attacks compared to those committed by non-intimate perpetrators [43]. However, both types of sexual violence – whether perpetrated by intimate or non-intimate individuals – share common characteristics, such as an exaggerated sense of entitlement and a lack of guilt, remorse, or empathy. These shared characteristics underscore the complex nature of rape crimes and emphasize the importance of addressing underlying attitudes and behaviors that contribute to such acts, regardless of the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator [44].
Evidence highlights a significant association between the increased incidence of rape crimes in regions of the BFD that exhibit higher vulnerability in terms of health, income, and education. Factors such as income inequality, low socioeconomic status, and unemployment are closely linked to elevated levels of sexual assault [45, 46]. Studies indicate that women with lower levels of education are disproportionately affected by sexual violence compared to those with higher educational attainment [46]. A research based on the National Crime Victimization Survey conducted by Brazil's Ministry of Justice suggests that individuals from families with incomes below the poverty line are 12 times more likely to experience sexual violence than those from higher-income households. Additionally, areas with higher rates of firearm-related deaths pose an increased risk of rape crimes, particularly for women [47].
A recent study conducted in the BFD [48] revealed an inequality map that identified regions with the highest number of reported rapes, coinciding with areas recording the highest incidences of femicide and domestic violence crimes in 2022. Specifically, regions such as Ceilândia, Samambaia, Santa Maria, and Planaltina consistently reported high numbers of rapes, femicides, and domestic violence incidents. This underscores the interconnected nature of various forms of gender-based violence and highlights the urgent need for target interventions and resources to address these complex social issues in vulnerable communities. Even though the available data on rape and sexual violence are already concerning, underreporting and the inadequate quality of recorded data remain significant challenges faced by countries worldwide, including Brazil. This issue is primarily attributed to the fact that most rapes occur against children and adolescents within familial settings, perpetrated by individuals known to the victims with sentimental or hierarchical ties. It is estimated that the prevalence of reporting sexual abuse against children to authorities is significantly lower, approximately 30 times less than what is officially documented [49]. This underscores the complexity of reporting sexual assault, as individuals are more inclined to come forward when the perpetrator is unfamiliar [50].
A survey conducted by the US Department of Justice in 2019 revealed that 33.9% of rape victims would have reported the offense to law enforcement, representing an increase from the rates recorded in 2018, when only 24.9% of victims reported the crime [51]. In Brazil, however, it is estimated that only 7.5% of victims report incidents of sexual violence [49]. Furthermore, half of sexually assaulted women take an average of 5 years to report the violence, while children between 6 and 17 years old take an average of 17 months [52]. Several factors contribute to this delay, including shame, threats from perpetrators, fear of retaliation, a sense of guilt, a lack of awareness of rights, and a lack of trust in the justice system.
Study limitations
A notable limitation is the inability to collect certain variables due to the poor quality of records in official documents, which suggests improvements in the quality of registers. Also, the original research plan aimed to analyze data from three years (2017, 2018, and 2019). However, this was impeded by the COVID-19 pandemic (the data collection took place in 2020). The pandemic led to closures and restricted access to public institutions, hampering data collection for the entire intended period.

Conclusion
This study provides valuable insights into the characteristics associated with rape and rape of vulnerable persons in Brazil's capital. The detailed analysis presented here can significantly contribute to developing more effective preventive strategies. It emphasizes the importance of collaborative efforts among various sectors to address this pressing issue, including public security, healthcare, education, and the community. Priority attention should be given to children and adolescents of school age, who are the primary victims of these crimes. Awareness-raising, education and accountability measures for adults should also be prioritized.
However, addressing sexual violence is a multifaceted challenge, and much remains to be understood about the underlying factors that influence these crimes. Future research efforts should aim to delve deeper into these complexities, including studies on the characteristics of perpetrators of sexual violence, to inform targeted interventions and policies for both victims and perpetrators. In particular, there is a pressing need for enhanced sexual education programs tailored to children, adolescents, and the accountability of adults, empowering them with knowledge and skills to protect themselves and seek support when needed. By promoting a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of rape and implementing evidence-based interventions, we can strive to create a safer, zero-tolerance environment for rape and provide greater support for all individuals, especially the most vulnerable members of our society.

Acknowledgments
The authors thank the Civil Police of the Brazilian Federal District (PCDF) for their valuable collaboration in this research.

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